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Is Iraq Like
Vietnam?
Part 1: Unity of Command
By D.W.
Many journalists, pundits, scholars, and others have often compared
the conflict in Iraq to the war in Vietnam. This is an easy and
convenient comparison to make for people with superficial knowledge
of history and of military/political operations. And given the
recent history of Vietnam many seasoned journalists can easily reach
back into their memory and retrieve such examples.
Indeed between these conflicts there are certain parallels in enemy
tactics and procedures. Iraq, like Vietnam, is a low intensity
guerrilla war. Iraqi insurgents are oftentimes indistinguishable
from civilians and this leads to confusion and sometimes regrettable
mistakes. However, there are profound differences between these
unique conflicts and comparing these differences is more important
to policy development than to superficial similarities.
A very significant difference between the insurgents in Iraq and
Vietnam is the military principle of unity of command and control.
Unity of command means that one commander is overall in charge of
all military and related political efforts aimed at achieving that
commander’s goal. All subordinate commanders are accountable for
operating within the directions of the supreme commander in chief.
For instance, the President of the United States is in overall
command of the U.S. Military and all subordinate commands in all
branches of service operate within the limits set by the President
towards the goals that he has set.
Unity of command is absolutely essential for success of a military
operation.
Imagine working at a retail chain that has the goal of beating
Wal-Mart but lacked a CEO or director who provided a vision or a
structure to achieve it. All the departments just went around doing
whatever they wanted to without coordinating any of their actions or
assisting each other. Such a business would either fail or be doomed
to miserable performance and this company would never come close to
overtaking Wal-Mart. All successful military campaigns, including
guerrilla movements, have had unity of command and those that did
not were defeated.
During the war in Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh was the commander in chief
from start to finish and all subordinate communist elements took
orders in one form or another from him. The guerrilla war in South
Vietnam did have a bogus political party which was just another
subordinate of Ho Chi Minh’s government. And the North’s political
advisors and military officers were thoroughly integrated throughout
the Viet Cong military structure and always ended up calling the
shots.
The one ultimate goal that the communists had throughout the entire
conflict was to unite South Vietnam under the dictatorial control of
Ho Chi Minh and his political apparatus in the North. All communist
military operations were aimed towards achieving this objective and
subordinate commanders ultimately knew who the big boss was.
Vietnamese communist unity of command allowed the communists to
persist and maintain over thirty years of conflict to achieve
victory. Without Ho Chi Minh’s leadership the movement might have
weakened and disintegrated into various bands of misfits who would
have been defeated piecemeal. Instead, the Viet Cong were able to
recover very quickly from massive defeats like the Tet Offensive
because the North was in control and they were able to reconstitute
these formations.
The Iraqi insurgency, unlike the war in Vietnam, doesn’t have a
supreme commander let alone any unity of command. Within the
insurgency at large there is no one key leader able to unify and
coordinate the actions of all the other insurgent groups to achieve
a goal.
The insurgents often spend considerable effort fighting each other
in internal power struggles. The various factions don’t even share a
common vision of the political future for Iraq except to expel
foreign powers and unite the country or to have sections of it fall
under their group’s leadership. Some factions don’t necessary want
the coalition to withdraw immediately as its presence somehow
benefits their cultivation of power. The insurgents are killing lots
of people in spectacular attacks but they are often not coordinated
and even have very different objectives.
If the U.S. were to withdraw from Iraq too quickly the country would
fragment into tribal enclaves unless a powerful key leader was to
emerge with the power to control and subdue other factions. It is
essential to think of Iraq as a tribal society because that’s what
it is.
Saddam was able to maintain power because he understood this and he
knew how to manipulate the tribal structure to his advantage. Before
any insurgent group can establish unity of command it must
manipulate the Iraqi tribal system and unify enough tribes under it.
This is a difficult task to accomplish in peacetime let alone during
the coalition establishment of an Iraqi government that they must
compete with for leadership. Furthermore, for all the wickedness of
the communist system, they offered a coherent vision for the
country, something the Iraqi insurgents cannot do beyond ambiguous
claims of an authoritarian Islamic government.
Unlike Iraq, Vietnam was not a highly tribalized society and the
communist did not face as much opposition to their claim to
leadership. There were no rival communist groups fighting with Ho
Chi Minh for control over the war while fighting the South
Vietnamese and foreign troops. If the Iraqi insurgency could unite
under a single leader working in unison then they could be as
formidable as the Viet Cong. Until then, they are just disparate
groups of murderers working in an uncoordinated manner causing a lot
of chaos but without any clear objective.
The late Al-Zarqawi and Al-Sadr have been identified by various
people as being such key leaders, but neither one is a modern Ho Chi
Minh. Al-Qeada may garner sympathy from many Iraqi Sunni’s but
definitely not from all of them and probably not even the majority.
And most of this sympathy doesn’t translate into any type of
meaningful support required by the group to claim leadership of the
Sunni insurgency.
There are already many Sunni factions with different agendas and
they fight each other more often than the press bothers to report.
Al-Qeada has engaged in combat with powerful Iraqi Sunni tribal
groups and the U.S. has been able to exploit this to the coalition’s
advantage.
The Shia Cleric Maqtada Al-Sadr has been identified by some as being
the leader of the Shia insurgency. He is a popular Shia figure and
has plenty of support from the Shia population but not from
everyone. He has support of a sizeable militia but competing Shia
militias exist and sometimes they clash. Overall, Al-Sadr cannot lay
claim to being the leader of Iraqi Shia population and he doesn’t
command or influence nearly enough of their population to translate
his vision of power into strong actions.
While all these Iraqi insurgent groups are killing a lot of people
and causing chaos in Baghdad, they are by no means the equal of the
Vietnamese Communists. With enough effort they can be isolated and
picked off one by one, although this is still a difficult task.
And finally, the Iraqi Government doesn’t have any serious
competitors to its rule on a national level. Disintegration into
autonomous tribal communities is the only alternative to national
level leadership.
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